Home History 203 lecture list Wallace G. Mills Hist. 203 10 Militarism

MILITARISM

- militarism has a number of ramifications and must be handled on several levels comprehensively:

A. Practical Considerations and Effects

B. Theoretical and Philosophical

A. Practical Level
1. Technological Developments

- in the late 19th century (the pace of innovation began to really accelerate after 1870), industrialisation began to produce an exponential change in the development of armaments. On a whole series of fronts, weaponry became more powerful, more deadly and more mechanical.

- in naval technology, there was a similar rapid development:

- each development frequently rendered earlier weaponry obsolete and this was deadly; if you fell behind, your men could be decimated before they could get within range of the enemy. Thus, it was a perilous situation to fall behind one’s opponents.

2. Organisational Developments

- success in war increasingly was determined by organisation: it was essential to bring the maximum firepower and manpower together against the enemy at the critical time and place.

- the Prussians had shown how critical and decisive this kind of organisation could be in the three wars of late 1860s (Denmark, Austria, France); the first two were over in a matter of weeks.

- most spectacular was the smashing victory over the French by bringing massive amounts of men and firepower to bear at the battle of Sedan in 1870; the French army was more spread out and less organised. Although the French fought bravely and well, they were simply steamrollered by massive German manpower and firepower; by smashing through at Sedan, the German army divided the French army and the latter had no chance to regroup or reorganise.

- the secret of this success had been careful and thorough organisation and preparation, much of it beforehand; this had been carried out by the Prussian General Staff.

General Staffs

- there are ‘staffs’ (administrations) at every level of the military command structure (regiment, division, army and supreme commander); they plan specific operations and administer their units. A general staff is a permanent special department of the military whose sole purpose is to develop strategies and plans (i.e., they do not have operational duties):

- because of prior planning and preparation, the Prussian army invaded and smashed the French before their army was completely ready and in place.

- other nations quickly copied the Prussians by setting up their own general staffs, except for the British who did not create a general staff until the army reforms in 1908 (this showed up in the poor organisation and incompetence of the first six months of the South African War).

3. Consequences

- the momentum of these developments established a dynamic (or vicious?) circle which was to last (and contribute) to the outbreak of war in 1914:

  1. Perpetual Arms Race

    - there was a continual search for new or better weapons to gain an advantage;

    - a new invention or innovation in one country immediately set off a mad scramble by everyone else to get this latest invention and to get it in large quantities. Old weapons became obsolete and had to be junked or sent off to colonies.

    - the effect was rapidly rising defence budgets as the pace of innovation accelerated and as the sophistication of weaponry increased costs.

    - this was very similar to what happened during the Cold War of the late 1940s to late 1980s.

  2. Mobilisation of Manpower

    - it was clear that speed was becoming more important as was the mass of armies; they could speed things up if the men were trained before war broke out. Thus, there was a need to mobilise and train as large a proportion of the nation’s males as possible.

    - this need brought the introduction of universal military conscription; all young men had to perform military service. Usually, the term of compulsory service was 2 years, but because of a smaller population, France was being forced just before 1914 to extend the term to 3 years. Conscription for compulsory service meant that there was always a substantial number of men under arms at any point in time (the standing army).

    - however, after their term of compulsory military service, all men went into the military reserves (often with a 4-6 week annual refresher training) and remained subject to call up during a general mobilisation until they were in their 40s.

    - thus, over a period of years, almost the entire available male population was trained and, therefore, ready, at fairly short notice, to be called into arms.

  3. Military Plans

    - however, massive stockpiles of arms and trained manpower were not enough; detailed, careful organisation was required to get these men (the French and the Germans intended to mobilise 2.5-3 million men each initially, the Russians 7-8 million) and all the necessary materials where they were needed in the shortest possible time. The military must be prepared for as many contingencies as possible.

    - thus, ‘general staffs’ were all busy drawing up elaborate ‘mobilisation plans’.

    - in these plans, they had to make many assumptions (who the enemy or enemies were likely to be; what diplomatic and political situation was likely to exist, etc.); with the enormous scale and complexity, the result was a great deal of rigidity in the plans.

    - the best example is German; the plan in effect from about 1905 and a contributing factor in the war was the ‘von Schlieffen plan’, named after the general who conceived it and oversaw its creation; it involved general directions for staff officers outlining strategy and overall movements. The plan depended on exact timing so plans had to be very specific and included elaborate and detailed railway scheduling and timetables.

    - then, more detailed instructions for each level of command down to the level of regimental and company commanders were prepared. These orders were all printed and sent out to the appropriate military units but, because they were top secret—only a few members of the general staff knew what was in the plan—the orders were sealed and kept locked up, to be opened only when a mobilisation order was issued. Drawing up such a mobilisation plan under tight secrecy, getting it printed and getting it distributed took many months, over a year.

    - as a result, it was impossible to make significant changes at the last moment without producing chaos.

  4. Military Alliances

    -the first three developments (i.e., the stockpiling of the latest arms, the training of manpower, and the mobilisation plans) were all attempts to find ‘security’.

    - paradoxically, all they did was to increase the level of fear and insecurity. Each step one country took to increase its security promoted a reaction and even panic in other countries; their responses in turn caused fear and uneasiness in the first. So the cycle continued.

    - in this situation of fear, national governments began to look for allies; thus the alliance system emerged.

    - thus, the alliance system arose out of a desire to find security but its effect was to increase insecurity. This effect of alliance systems became familiar to us during the Cold War, but it was also the condition in Europe from the 1890s-1914.

- all of this tended to create the feeling that the military was indispensable and must be strengthened at all costs. The effect was to increase greatly the status of the military and military values.

- as a result of conscription, all young men were subjected to the rigours of military discipline with its requirement of unquestioning obedience and sacrifice, even of one’s life.

- in Germany especially, the military became the prime means for rising socially, particularly among the middle classes.

- aristocratic landowners and their sons dominated the Prussian Army (it was the real core of the German Imperial Army) and they did not allow too much penetration; however, William II did begin to open commissions as officers to the middle-class and even to Jews (see Gilbert’s discussion).

- however, in the reserve army and the armies in the other German states, there was much more scope; there developed a tremendous scramble among the middle classes to get commissions or at least promotions to NCO status. [There are examples in All Quiet on the Western Front of lower middle class men, the school teacher and the post master, attempting to become NCOs.]

- there was veneration for military uniforms (in fact uniforms of all kinds), military bands, military-type hierarchy and discipline (in schools, civil service, business) etc.

- a funny play satirises these aspects, “The Captain of Kopotnik”; this veneration of the military can be seen in All Quiet on the Western Front .

B. Theoretical and Philosophical Level

- this veneration of military trappings and values is really slipping over into philosophical aspects; as was noted in the discussion of social Darwinism and racism, war was viewed as both necessary and ‘good’.

- there was a tendency to view all of life, including human existence, as a constant amoral struggle for survival in which the strong and the able should inherit the earth. To many, war seemed the ultimate and most glorious human activity; this is at least part of the explanation for the extraordinary enthusiasm with which the outbreak of war was greeted in 1914 (see Gilbert).

- this militarisation of society also extended to the economic spheres; large and powerful economic interests (both capitalists and workers) were created by the arms race. However, this element can be, and frequently has been, exaggerated, particularly when this so-called ‘military-industrial complex’ is blamed for the outbreak of wars.

- while the militarisation of society was most pronounced in Germany (the ‘Prussian Tradition’), all continental nations were affected.

- the British emphasised the naval dimension and were suspicious of militarism. They rejected a large army and conscription, but they did not remain immune. In the 1880s and 90s, there was a real vogue for “boys’ brigades”, often in the churches; these marching clubs were intended to keep boys and young men from lower middle and working class backgrounds busy (and thus out of trouble), but their purpose was also to inculcate military virtues of duty, discipline and sacrifice for the empire. Also, military exhibitions were enormously popular. Although this budding militarism received a setback when enthusiasm for the South African War waned, the early Boy Scout movement, which was organised in the first decade of the 20th C., was very military and quickly enjoyed great popularity with middle class boys.

The Dreyfus affair

- this incident in France showed how the military could be regarded (and regarded themselves) as a separate entity and law unto itself.

- Alfred Dreyfus was from a well-to-do, middle class, Jewish, Alsatian family. [Alsace-Loraine had been taken over by the Germans after the Franco-Prussian War 1870-71 and it was easy to suspect the loyalty of Alsatians.] Dreyfus was a career officer in an intelligence unit of the French army general staff, but as an Alsatian and a Jew, he was doubly an outsider.

- when a leak to the Germans was detected, the real culprit did a clumsy forgery which he planted to be found in Dreyfus’ desk (the incriminating document was not even close to Dreyfus’ handwriting). On this flimsy evidence, Dreyfus was arrested and tried in secret by a military court, convicted, stripped of rank, cashiered, and sentenced to life imprisonment on Devil’s Island. Anti-Semitism was clearly a factor in the predisposition of the French military to believe Dreyfus guilty.

- the leaks continued and the identity of the real culprit was discovered although he escaped. This is when the behaviour of the military became really bizarre. The army refused to reconsider or grant a new trial even though it was clear that Dreyfus was innocent.

- the army claimed ‘raison d’état’ (reasons of state, national security); they argued that admitting that the army had been wrong would be damaging to the reputation of the army and damaging to morale of not only the army but of the nation. It was better for an innocent man to suffer an injustice than for the army & nation to suffer embarrassment. [This is very interesting because the French army had a disproportionate representation from the conservative, Catholic monarchist tradition. This was the same argument as was used by Jewish religious leaders in demanding the execution of Christ by Pontius Pilate!]

- in effect, the army leaders were arguing that the army did not have to abide by the rule of law or the principles of justice accepted by the rest of French society.

- the cause was taken up by a number of courageous journalists. Emile Zola, who wrote the famous ‘J’accuse’ article, had to take refuge temporarily in England to escape prosecution. Eventually, it became a struggle of the republican, secular, democratic political forces against the monarchist, Catholic, authoritarian (i.e., conservative) elements in French society.

- the army and government never did rectify the injustice entirely. They offered Dreyfus a pardon and the Legion of Honour; he accepted. A pardon means that while the penalty is forgiven, the conviction still stands. Pardon is not an exoneration.

- as one of the participants remarked, “We were willing to die for Dreyfus, but Dreyfus was not willing to die for Dreyfus.” That is, they were willing to fight to the bitter end, but Dreyfus was not. Dreyfus’ acceptance pulled the rug from under those who had been fighting the battle to make the army and the government accountable.

- the point to emphasise is that this attempt to assert that they were a law unto themselves by the military occurred in (relatively) democratic France; a similar incident in Germany probably would not even have become an issue because the military was almost completely independent of the government, let alone the Reichstag.

Role of Military Plans in the Outbreak of War, 1914

- military planning was regarded as a task of generals and military men and secrecy was important; political leaders (on the continent at least) knew little about the military plans. Even more significantly and ultimately, more disastrously, politicians did not realise until too late how seriously the military planning had constrained their options and their ability to manoeuvre.

Von Schlieffen Plan

Premises:

  1. because of the Dual Alliance, the German planners assumed that any war with France or Russia would almost certainly involve a two-front war even though, like the Triple Alliance, the Dual Alliance was defensive only; members were not obligated to help their allies if those allies were deemed to be the aggressors. [Nobody, especially the Germans, really took the protestations about being defensive only very seriously.]

  2. because of the scale and size of its empire, Russia’s mobilisation would take at least 3-4 months before the Russian army could launch a large offensive (in the event, the Russians were a bit quicker than this assumption).

Conclusion:

- a German victory was possible only if France could be knocked out of the war quickly so that most of the German army could be turned to the east to meet the threat from the massive Russian armies.

- the details were fairly simple: only about 1/8 of German forces would be sent to the east to carry out a holding action against the Russians. The rest of the German army would be sent west to deliver a knockout blow to the French. Because of the treaties guaranteeing Belgian neutrality, the French would be expecting any attack to be launched along the German-French border and would concentrate their forces there.

[Belgian Neutrality—because of the flat nature of the country and easy passage, most invading armies, whether from France or Germany, had moved from one to the other through Belgium. Thus, it was believed that the possibility of war would be reduced (but not eliminated) if both French and Germans agreed to regard Belgium as neutral; they would then have to attack each other across their common border which included the Rhine River in places or much rougher terrain. The first treaty in which all the major states of Europe agreed to regard Belgium as neutral was signed in the 1830s; a second one was signed later after the creation of the German Empire.]

- the Schlieffen Plan proposed to place only the smallest of four army groups along the French-German border to feint an attack while the other three army groups launched an attack through Belgium. The German army would be able to out-flank the French army in the north and in a long rapid drive, would be able to sweep south around Paris and take the French army in the rear. Being cut off from their capital and their supply lines, the French armies would have to surrender. With the French disposed of in a matter of weeks (6 weeks was the hope), the bulk of the German army could be shipped eastwards rapidly by rail to meet the anticipated Russian attack.

- in military terms, the von Schlieffen plan was a brilliant strategy to achieve a successful conclusion to a two-front war.

- one of its main defects was that it required exact timing and perfect execution (i.e., there was little room for tactical problems or errors). In military operations, it is best to assume that if something can go wrong, it likely will. The Schlieffen Plan did not make allowances.

- politically, the plan involved a number of serious effects and ramifications of which the politicians remained ignorant and which the generals blissfully ignored:

  1. the ancient distinction between a mobilisation and a declaration of war was eliminated. A mobilisation involved calling out the army and marching it to the border; hostilities would begin only after the further step of a declaration of war. In the Schlieffen Plan, there was a need for speed against France; also, such a large proportion of the German forces had to get through such a narrow corridor that troops had to keep moving to get out of the way of those coming behind. As part of the mobilisation orders, the troops nearest the Belgian border were instructed to cross not much later than 24 hours after the beginning of mobilisation and without further orders. Sending troops across a border without permission is an act of war. Orders could not be changed; once mobilisation started, the war began.

    - politicians were accustomed to using mobilisation as a threat with the belief that war was a distinct and separate step that need not be taken; although mobilisation was a serious step, it was not regarded as irrevocable. In the Schlieffen Plan, mobilisation and the commencement of hostilities were almost simultaneous actions.

    - it was only days before the start of the war and after German politicians had already taken a number of distinct steps (urged the Austrians to make the ultimatum to Serbia and threatened the Russians not to mobilise) that they learned how serious matters really were: mobilisation was an irrevocable commitment to war; also, the timing of German mobilisation was determined by others—the beginning of a Russian mobilisation started the German clock ticking with the Germans having at most 3-4 months to defeat the French and get their armies moving east to meet the Russians.

    - it also involved an important alteration in the etiquette of war—the elimination of a formal declaration of war.

  2. the plan required the violation of Belgian neutrality and the long-standing treaty and commitments to observe this convention. Some Germans are said to have referred to the treaty as ‘a scrap of paper’ and therefore of no significance.

    - this shows the limitations of narrow military thinking.

    - the Schlieffen Plan was premised upon the belief that the French would observe the legal and moral obligations of the treaties and that this would provide a decisive military advantage to the power willing to violate and disregard the rules. While this strategy offered short-term military advantages, it carried serious political and long-term military costs.

    1. the Belgians were outraged and, to the surprise of the Germans, fought the German army tenaciously. Instead of a couple of days, the German advance was delayed for two weeks and the Belgians went on harassing the northern flank of the German forces. In a plan where everything had been staked on speed, this was a serious delay.

    2. Britain, whose immediate participation had been very uncertain, was also outraged and immediately declared war on this principle. The Liberal government and party had been split on the issue of what Britain should do in case of war; however, the invasion of Belgium persuaded a number of waverers to support the declaration of war. The British would almost certainly have entered, but a delay might have made it too late to prevent the defeat of the French.

    - German strategists were not entirely surprised by these events; however, they had underestimated their significance and this in fact thwarted any hope of success for the Plan. Even if the 100,000 man British Expeditionary Force got to France in time, the Germans believed that it was too small to have any effect on the outcome. It is true that the BEF could not stop the German army, but it could slow it down. This delay, added to the Belgian delay plus the inevitable foul ups of their own, allowed the French army to swing some of their forces from the eastern border to meet and eventually to stop the German advance from the north about 20 miles from Paris.

    - the German actions increased both the number and the determination of their enemies; Britain entered the war immediately and eventually added enormously to the resources of the Allies: military and naval forces, large scale war production and large financial resources.

    - it was an error the German military made repeatedly throughout the war. The resumption of the submarine war in January 1917 was based upon a similar narrow military calculation. The U.S. army was regarded with even greater contempt than the British. In any case, the German military government believed that the use of the submarine would enable them to win the war before the U.S. could become a decisive factor. Thus, the short-term military advantages were accepted while the political and long-term military disadvantages were ignored; as a result, an extremely powerful opponent was added in the United States.

  3. the Schlieffen Plan ensured that any war would become a world war: German political leaders believed that there were 3 possible outcomes if the crisis over the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand were pushed to the point of conflict:

    1. a local war between Austria and Serbia; the destruction of Serbia was desirable in order to ensure that Austria-Hungary would remain intact.
    2. a general European or Alliance war (of the members of the two alliances without Britain); many German leaders in the military thought that an alliance war was inevitable and it would be better to have it sooner rather than later. The longer it was delayed, the more improvement there would be for Russia as a result of the army reforms that were being implemented.
    3. a world war (including Britain).

    - to many in both the German gov’t and military, the first would be welcome and the second would be acceptable; only the third was regarded as very undesirable. The Schlieffen Plan ensured that the 3rd outcome, the very outcome that the Germans did not want, was the one that happened.

- the German government was not alone in its ignorance of the constraints of military planning; the Russian government found itself in a similar bind.

- the Russian government hoped to limit the confrontation to Austria and thought they could do this by ordering only a partial mobilisation along the Austrian border but not along the German border.

- it was only after they had already delivered an ultimatum to Austria and were about to order partial mobilisation that the generals informed them that it was impossible; there must be full mobilisation or nothing.

- the Russian government still hoped to avoid war with Germany and promised not to attack. However, German plans required an immediate commencement of hostilities against France if the Russians started to mobilise. Russian mobilisation was the trigger.

- even the British government found itself in a dilemma at the end of July. Earlier, in the wake of the entente cordiale in about 1908, a small, inner committee of cabinet (five members only) had secretly authorised talks at the staff level with the French. The talks, which were to be non-binding, were to discuss how military and naval organisations could best cooperate in the event that the two nations were involved in a war on the same side. The Entente was not an alliance.

- the military talks did not involve serious consequences or commitments; they did help in getting the BEF to France quickly and got it involved very early.

- however, in the naval talks, the British made it clear that for their own concerns, the Royal Navy would control the English Channel and the Atlantic approaches. Both sides concluded that the French navy could be best used if it were concentrated in the Mediterranean Sea to counter the Austrian and Italian navies; the French acted and moved their navy to the Mediterranean. As war approached in July, it became clear that if war came and Britain remained out, the Channel and Atlantic coasts of France would be completely exposed. Even if there was no legal obligation, the British government had a clear moral obligation to defend the northern coast of France. Thus, five of the most important cabinet members (including the prime minister) felt very severe constraints on their ability to make decisions about whether or not to declare war.

- thus politicians and diplomats had been accustomed to driving along the precipice of war as a regular tactic of diplomacy; they failed to notice or be informed of the fact that the alliance system and military planning had seriously moved and reduced the distance to the edge. Most were over the edge before they knew it and after it was too late to change direction. Military planning and its secrecy seriously reduced the options available to politicians and reduced the time and stages that could result in war. Many consider these factors to be a significant cause of the plunge over the precipice into war.

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