Wallace G. Mills Hist. 317 12 African Initiated Churches

Separatism & Independence in Churches

- there began to be splits and breakaways from mission churches to form separate, African led churches.

- Africans had become aware that such things were not unknown in Europe and N. America. Why were there so many different churches and missionaries? Was there more than one God?

- so missionaries had had to explain the origins of different churches.

- in fact, many Africans in South Africa had witnessed the process when the Scottish presbyterians had split into 2 churches in the 1840s (Free Church of Scotland and United Presbyterian Church) and the mission in South Africa had been split. The two groups had cooperated a great deal and fully accepted each other’s members, but the example was there.

Causes and Motives

 - we can get some indications by looking at a number of breakaways, as well as get an idea of the timing and development of the process.

1. Restrictions on Traditional Customs

 - in the 1870s, London Missionary Society (LMS) had a breakaway in South Africa because of attempts to proscribe circumcision for boys among the Rolong (a Tswana people); it was a relatively modest revolt. Most returned to the mission, but some remained outside the mission and later joined independence churches in the 1890s.

- this was not a significant factor in secessionist movements in South Africa; missionaries had poor success in halting these customs (see my article “Missionaries, Xhosa clergy and the Suppression of Traditional Customs” ).

- 3 were strongly attacked (male circumcision, lobola—bride price, and intonjane—girls’ initiation).

  1. lobola:

    - Africans took to subterfuge, calling the cattle ‘presents’ or moving the cattle in the middle of the night before the wedding.

    - I found several cases of clergymen in the Wesleyan Methodist Church being disciplined for paying lobola for their sons, but it was a very difficult situation; if a girl’s parents insisted on lobola for the daughter-in-law, what was a father to do?

    - moreover, by the 1880s, more missionaries were deciding that it was not a sin even if desirable to discourage the custom; some even began to swing around to the idea that it even had some good points (stabilising marriage and ensuring good treatment of the wife)

    - by the end of the 19th C, most churches had ceased making it a matter of discipline.

  2. intonjane:

    - this custom has largely died out, even among traditionalists; there was some dislike of the custom among traditionists and there was no strong resistance to prohibitions. In fact, when I was doing research on this in the early 1970s, a number of African informants did not even know what the custom was!

    - however, the marriage customs which have developed among African Christians were really a blend of European and African elements; most of the essentials of intonjane were incorporated into the marriage customs (a period of seclusion of the bride, a celebration with presents at the end of the seclusion—called a ‘shower’, etc.).

    - in other words, the missionaries did not have too much to do with the decline of the custom as it has almost disappeared among non-Christians too and the essentials were syncretised with Christian marriage customs.

  3. circumcision:

    - missionaries were never able to make any significant headway in forcing abandonment of this custom; in spite of sanctions (being expelled from school for example), most boys and young men went through it (most would subsequently come back repentant and be allowed the continue their education—like confession for Catholics).

    - even clergymen couldn’t prevent their sons from doing it.

    - Africans soon pointed out that it was a custom mandated for Jews in the Old Testament, so why was it considered wrong by missionaries?

    - finally, by the end of the century or soon after, most missions were changing their policies; as long as it was separated from ‘heathen’ ceremonies and preferably done in a hospital, they dropped their opposition.

- in fact, Africans had carried on resistance, at least passive resistance; the customs they cared about they had continued to practice, surreptitiously in some cases, and it was the missionaries who ultimately had to yield.

- did the development of separatist churches in the 1890s assist that? Possibly, but it is also true that missionaries had often pretended not to see or took little action beyond a light reprimand.

- while some separatists jeered on this point at Africans who remained in the regular churches, it was not a serious cause of secessions in most cases.


- however, there is a spectacular case in Kenya in connection with female circumcision (female genital mutilation). In 1928, the Church of Scotland mission tried to prohibit this custom among its Kikuyu members. The result was an explosion of anger and outrage among the Kikuyu. There were massive secessions and 2 separatist churches resulted; these churches also set up their own schools. The entire episode had an important influence on the nationalist, independence movement which was already underway. We shall discuss this more in our next topic.

2. National Church idea

 - this was an attempt to bridge the ‘red’ —’school’ split in Xhosa societies.

- Nehemiah Tile, a Wes. Meth. clergyman, had begun showing a great deal of interest in the politics of his Thembu society (in fact, he resigned from the Wes. Meth. Church in 1881 when he was about to be disciplined for donating an ox for the circumcision of the Paramount Chief’s heir).

- he proposed the creation of a Thembu National Church modelled on the Church of England, which has the Queen as the head; the Thembu Paramount would be the head of the Thembu church.

- in this way, both the traditionalist ‘reds’ and the Christian ‘school’ people would be able to unite in loyalty to the Paramount.

- both missionaries and government officials reacted strongly to thwart this movement and government pressure was decisive. The Paramount, a brutal man and an alcoholic named Ngangelizwe, had initially favoured the idea and had donated land at the Great Place to build a mother church; however, the government threatened to remove him as chief if he did not withdraw his patronage. When he obeyed, the movement lost momentum and then Tile died a few years later. However, a small number of followers remained and the new leader by the name of Goduka ultimately amalgamated with one of the other separatist churches in the 1890s.



- there was a strong tendency for whites to see such actions and movements in political terms; for a long time, many tended to argue that they were political movements masquerading as religious movements. In fact, the more paranoid whites saw the trend as a massive anti-white conspiracy.

- an outbreak among the Zulu in 1905-06, called the Bambata Rebellion, was blamed at the time (incorrectly) on religious separatism because a few of the people caught up in it were separatists; however, the over-whelming majority of the rebels were not separatists and the causes were tensions among the Zulu and some provocations by white authorities.

- John Buchan’s novel, Prestor John, has the premise of a vast conspiracy among Africans in the guise of a separatist religious movement.

- in fact, there has never been one iota of evidence of any such conspiracy or even of much political interest of any sort beyond Tile’s idea of trying to bridge the rift in Thembu society.

3. Resentment and Disillusionment

 - this was both general and personal.

- the movement was contagious; the American Board Missions had just formed its mission churches in Natal into a Zulu Congregational Church when they had their 1st secession in the 1890s with more to come.

- also, before very long, there were secessions from secessionist churches themselves. These processes have been on-going ever since.

4. Changing Ideology—Fundamentalism, Pentecostalism and growing pessimism

 - a further development of great significance occurred in 1902 or 1903 when one of the founders of the Ethiopian Church broke away and formed the Ethiopian Catholic Church with an elaborate hierarchy of bishops, archbishops, etc.

- at about the same time, the 1st ‘Zionist’ church was formed. A man by the name of Dowie had set up a Christian or Christian Catholic Church in Zion, Illinois; representatives from his church were in Johannesburg, baptising converts by total emersion in 1903 and working among both whites and Africans (white Pentecostals in South Africa trace their origins to this period). This introduced elements of pentecostalism—baptism by emersion, faith healing, speaking in tongues (glossalalia), emotional extemporary praying by the congregation, etc. Church meetings that were much more lively.

- the history since then has been of a proliferation of such churches; leaders of these churches gain status and position by their experience and the influence of their preaching, rather than formal education; in fact, many have very limited education.

- most of these churches are very small.


- Bengt Sundkler, a missionary who wrote a sociological book—Bantu Prophets in South Africa— analysing the phenomena, set out the categorisation that has been used ever since. He divided the independent churches into 2 categories:

  1. Ethiopian churches—these were not significantly different from most of the regular churches and missions in regard to theology, worship practices, etc. The key difference was that they were led and controlled entirely by Africans or Coloureds and that was the main raison d’etre—to be free of white domination and control.

  2. Zionist churches—these were much more radical and different in the areas of theology, worship practices, etc.

- in reality, it is probably more useful to regard these distinctions as the poles of a spectrum with many gradations.

- also, the proliferation of separatist churches has been very dramatic; when Sundkler published the 1st edition of his book in 1947, the government in S. Africa had knowledge of over 2,000 churches. By 1962 in the 2nd edition, that total had grown to over 4,000 and there is no way of knowing how many others existed without trying to register with the government.

- a study in the late 1960s claimed that there were over 8,000 in all of Africa at that time.

Roles and Functions of Separatist Churches

 1.Religion was one of the few areas where Africans could be masters of their own lives.

 - in the colonial period and especially in the period before the 1990s in South Africa this was true. Although there were some attempts to control or suppress separatist churches (often with little or no success), for the most part they were not interfered with by the authorities. In British tradition, freedom of religion was deeply ingrained. However, even the National Party government in S. A. in fact did not interfere. One of the main reasons is that the separatist churches (with some exceptions to be discussed below) had little or no political orientation. However, we shall return to this point.

2. The churches were one of the few areas for Africans to exercise leadership and to acquire status.

 - this is especially true for those Africans with limited educational qualifications;

- the struggle and competition for leadership is probably an important explanation for the many schisms. Although the ostensible issues in schisms often revolve around control of funds, theology and doctrine, etc., the competition for leadership is often an underlying (and even primary) factor.

- most of the churches are small (a leader who gathers a small following—typically, the majority of followers are women and maybe a few of his kin).

- some of the leaders are illiterate or nearly so, which means that separatist churches provide leadership possibilities for people at all levels of education.

3. Social functions

 - it is this area that provides a big explanation for the great success of the movement; the churches are mechanisms for transition—at least 2 kinds of transition:

- rural traditionalists were mostly illiterate and had few skills; in urban areas they got unskilled jobs (low pay, high insecurity), faced great complexity of government regulations and had to deal with the over-whelming scale of the city.

- those who were determined to remain the same and not to assimilate, often regarded themselves as temporary sojourners (with wives and children left behind in the rural reserves). They had techniques for maintaining rural ties and behaviours.

- however, those who are not so determined traditionalists usually felt a need to adapt and to assimilate; the separatist churches provide one of the most important mechanisms for doing this.

- with a wide spectrum of churches, they can find some combination which fills their needs best.

- the churches do form a social pecking order with the small syncretistic churches at the bottom and going up as one moves across the spectrum towards the Ethiopian churches. The regular churches are the top of this status hierarchy.

- this provides the social mobility; as families assimilate and get better education and/or jobs, there is a tendency to change churches and move up the social ladder.

What are other social functions?

 (a) Emotional and psychic release—ecstatic emotionalism may be cathartic for those undergoing the severe stresses of transition. New migrants tended to go to the most radical and most emotional churches.

(b) Mutual support and assistance—helping each other to cope with the complexities of urban life (this was especially difficult in S. Africa).

- members sometimes assist each other in time of illness, unemployment, etc. A few churches even evolved extensive social welfare and assistance programs, although these were exceptions rather than the rule.

- companionship and social contacts in large, anonymous situation. The frequent church meetings provided social outlets and the small size of many churches provided a replacement for close relationships and society of rural areas. The churches recreate small scale society in the midst of the over-whelming, over-powering scale of large urban centres.

4. Ideological and cosmological functions

 - to explain separatist churches, one needs to go beyond the economic and sociological aspects; many social scientists fall down on the job for failing to do this.

- people need some sort of world view that makes their universe comprehensible—not only “Where am I?” but also “Where am I going?” and “How do I get there?” Separatist churches provide that.

- also, people need a means for feeling worth and value; this is why religious movements among the people in lower strata of society tend to be ‘next worldly’ or ‘other worldly’.

- one solution to the problem is to reject the inherent basis of existing society as being sinful and ultimately doomed; but in the next world, things will be different and a more just order will exist. In the next world, the righteous, the chosen, the saved will enjoy their rightful place and status; the purpose of this life, therefore, is to prepare for that next life.

- in South Africa, this problem has been especially acute in view of the horrible degrading of status on the basis of skin colour (pigmentocracy). The clientele of the separatist churches tend to have lower status even among Africans. I think that it is not surprising that most of the separatist churches seem to adopt this ‘other worldly’ solution.

What is the political significance of religious separatism?

- as we noted, some whites immediately perceived a political connection. Setting up separatist churches challenged white domination and control in the churches, and it seemed a logical inference that this was merely a prelude or perhaps a smoke screen to a larger challenge or plot in the political area. This white paranoia reached a peak in the 1st decade of the 20th C and during the Bambatha Rebellion; it provided the theme for John Buchan’s novel, Prestor John.

- while most scholars have acknowledged that this view was mistaken and without foundation, they have nevertheless continued to argue that there was an indirect connection, that the assertion of independence in religious matters did lead eventually to an attempt to assert independence in political arenas. This interpretation is based upon a few incidents. The following excerpt (from my article “Millennial Christians, British Imperialism, and African Nationalism”) discusses the South African incidents.

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But what of the incidents of conflict with political authorities which have been frequently cited as evidence of the potential for revolutionary political action of religious separatism? Of course, the conflict may not have been initiated or intended by the separatists. Practising non-involvement or non-conformity can be interpreted as a political act of insubordination or even rebellion by governments. This happened in several cases of conflict in Bechuanaland involving both chiefs and colonial officials early in the twentieth century.1 In the Bambatha Rebellion of 1906-8, a few separatists participated as did a few Christians from the regular churches but neither group was an instigator or a major factor in the disturbances; the assertion that they were was a myth rooted in white paranoia and hostility.2



However, the two most frequently cited are the events leading to the Bulhoek massacre in Queenstown in 1921 and Wellington Buthelezi’s Garveyite movement in the Transkei in the 1920s. Enoch Mgijima had settled his group of ‘Israelites’ on municipal land at Bulhoek near Queenstown and had failed to comply with orders to move. Mgijima told the Israelites that the Old Testament God, who had ordered them to remain there, was about to destroy the world and deliver them. Also, reminiscent of nineteenth century Xhosa prophets, they need not fear the white man’s weapons. When a large contingent of armed police arrived to enforce the removal order, the Israelites attacked with homemade weapons and over 160 were killed by the police. However, the initiative and aggression arose mostly from the authorities. The occupation of the land was not part of a revolutionary assault on white political power and the resistance was dependent on external supernatural intervention—more in accord with premillennialism. Wellington Buthelezi’s Garveyism in the 1920s was in the same mould. In his case, the prospective outside intervention would be African-American liberators who would overthrow the white government—a myth that circulated, especially in the Transkei, following the first war. Although Buthelezi urged his followers to refuse to pay a new poll tax, challenging the government, he also attacked the ANC and ICU, instead preaching “a radical separatism” of non-involvement of any kind.3 Both movements lie outside the traditions of African nationalism and closer to the cattle-killing in their orientation. It is difficult to detect any significant contribution to the African nationalist struggle.

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- incidents elsewhere in Africa have also been used to demonstrate political and liberation aspects:

- most other examples are accidental or local responses. Either authorities got worked up and panicked or a local religious leader called on followers to resist some law or tax which brought them into conflict with the government; the incidents were not part of some overall ideology or call for revolutionary resistance. There are a number of examples like these—e.g., the People (Children) of God in Kenya 1938-39.

- this sort of thing has happened since independence as well; the most prominent example is the Watchtower Society in Zambia and Malawi. Like Jehovah’s Witnesses of whom they are an off-shoot, they tend to deny the legitimacy of any earthly government and refuse to give allegiance, which makes such governments very nervous.

- instead, most separatists are deliberately non-political:

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In regard to politics, a premillennial outlook usually involves some degree of quietism. With a few exceptions noted above, the majority of independent church leaders have displayed a disinclination (even aversion) to active participation in politics. Bengt Sundkler found that most separatist leaders agreed with sentiments express by one, “I tell my people, don’t take any interest in this colour bar. Forget about it, forget about politics.” He goes on to state that one does not usually find “radical or even the politically conscious” in the independent churches.

Broadly speaking, the politically awake and active, if subscribing still to ‘Christianity’ at all, are found in other Churches, and not among ‘the Native Separatists’. The Separatists go out of their way to state that they take no part in politics.4

In accordance with a premillennial view, most leaders of independent churches have been much more interested in the spiritual and physical health of their followers and in the next life than in attempting change in the political order.5

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- in fact in South Africa, they were frequently much more friendly to government. The government list of separatist churches was maintained voluntarily, not as a requirement by the government. Separatists seem to have wanted some sort of recognition, although the government was always careful not to give formal recognition because it might obligate them to give lots for church sites. Thus, all the government agreed to do was add their names to the list.

- even more significantly in the 1980s as the situation was clearly beginning to get beyond the control of the white minority government, the Botha government began to look about for potential allies; one of the groups to whom they turned was the separatist churches!

- on one occasion at the giant annual celebration of the largest Zionist church (estimates ranged upwards of .25 million or more attending), Botha, the State President, arrived by army helicopter to bring greetings to the assembly. The church leaders heartily reciprocated expressions of loyalty and gratitude.

- on the other hand, if we regard the ANC or even the PAC as the more indicative vehicles for nationalist action, separatists, with a few exceptions, have not been very noticeable, let alone prominent.

1 Chirenje, Ethiopianism, pp. 94-7, 144-6; also, Chirenje, A History of Northern Botswana 1850-1910, (London: Associated University Presses, 1977), pp. 201-28.

2 Shula Marks, Reluctant Rebellion (Oxford, 1970), pp. 326-36.

3 William Beinart, “Amafelandawonye (the Die-hards): Popular Protest and Women’s Movements in Herschel District in the 1920s,” in William Beinart and Colin Bundy, eds., Hidden Struggles in Rural South Africa (James Currey & Univ. of California Press, 1987), pp. 250-5. Other groups in the Transkei during the same period were urging that animals introduced by whites, especially pigs, should be slaughtered as a form of purification in preparing for the coming of the African-Americans.

4 Bantu Prophets in South Africa, 2nd ed. (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1961), pp. 304-5.

5 See Wallace G. Mills, “The Fork in the Road: Religious Separatism versus African Nationalism in the Cape Colony, 1890-1910 ” Journal of Religion in Africa, 9 (1978): 51-61. I was perhaps too categorical and Chris Saunders raised some objections “African Nationalism and Religious Independency in Cape Colony: A Comment,” Journal of Religion in Africa, 9 (1978): 205-10. My “Rejoinder,” ibid., pp. 189-92. There were certainly exceptions, but the general thrust of my argument stands.

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